Resolving Al-Shabaab's Menace in Kenya

"Our territorial integrity is threatened with serious security threats of terrorism. We cannot allow this to happen at all............ It means we are now going to pursue the enemy, who are the al-Shabaab, to wherever they will be, even in their country," Kenya's Internal Security Minister George Saitoti (2011)

The shooting spree that left about 147 people dead at Kenya’s Garissa University imbued the trade mark of an Al-Shabaab terrorist attack. Being the latest, Kenya has experienced several notable, including the Nairobi Westgate Shopping Mall attack of September 2013.

Bodies of slain students strewn at a Hostel in Kenya's Garissa University
Source:buzzkenya.com/kenyan-university-attack-victims-bodies-still-on-school-ground-face-down-and-shot-in-back-of-head/

Bordered by a politically unstable neighbour which is referred to in some quarters as the ‘World’s eternal headache’, Somalia is home to the notorious Al-Shabaab movement, which thrives there no thanks to the lack of an effective central government authority since the collapse of the Siad Barre regime in 1991.

A divided Somalia with different spheres of control
Source:http://springtimeofnations.blogspot.com/2012/10/northern-mali-and-gates-of-hell-flemish.html

Ever since the bombing of the US embassy in Nairobi in 1998, Kenya has become a high-risk target for terrorist attacks, and it has since then experienced several.

The Al-Shabaab (Arabic word for ‘the youth’) movement grew from the ashes of what was left of the ICU (Islamic Courts Union) that sought to establish central authority in Somalia in 2005. Fearing radical Islamic expansionism owing to the declaration of Sharia law and a defacto Islamic Caliphate by the ICU, their reign was cut short by an Ethiopian invasion of Somalia in 2006 with the motive of curtailing a renewed secessionist agitation of Ethiopian Somalis in Ethiopia’s Ogaden province and buoyed by US fears of an Al Queda haven in Somalia.

Upon the dismantlement of the ICU, it was hoped that the internationally backed TFG (Transitional Federal Government) formed to centrally administer Somalia in 2004 but based in Kenya (due to security issues) would assume and begin to assert governmental authority in Somalia. Not even the transfer of the seat of the TFG from Kenya to Mogadishu could win the hearts of the dismantled ICU. Though some warlords and ICU members joined the TFG, greater members of the youth wing of the ICU transmuted to form the Al-Shabaab movement, whose mission was to neutralize and abolish the authority of the TFG and drive out foreign forces backing the TFG from Somali soil.

Meleed in the ensuing conflict orchestrated by Al-Shabaab, refugees poured into Kenyan soil and were sheltered at Dadaab. Following the commitment of the Burundian and Ugandan governments to send troops to Somalia to back the TFG in the fight for territorial control against Al-Shabaab, the movement launched its first attack outside Somali soil in the bombing of a football viewing centre in Kampala (Uganda’s capital) during the 2010 world cup final match.

The renewed outpour of Somali refugees into Kenya was also accompanied by diffused incursions of Al-Shabaab into Kenyan territory, a result of which saw an increase in the occurrence of kidnappings of foreigners in North Eastern Kenya.

Tourism is a key industry in Kenya, and Nairobi is a host to a significant UN presence, including many international and local NGOs involved in humanitarian relief and other activities; there were increased concerns about the Kidnapping trend, especially when several Europeans were seized in the Lamu area in September and October 2011, a resultant which hit the tourism industry hard. The last straw was when two Spanish aid workers with Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) were kidnapped in the Dadaab refugee camp near the Kenya-Somalia border on 13th October 2011. After this incident, the Kenyan government ordered a full-scale invasion of Somalia with the aim of neutralizing Al-Shabaab and creating a buffer zone by establishing an autonomous Somali government in the Juba/Shebelle region to act as a defensive bulwark against cross-border incursions by Al-Shabaab in Northern Kenya. For this Kenyan initiative, the country became a target for Al-Shabaab attacks ever since, and the Garissa mass killing is one of several such.

The proposed Kenyan buffer sphere of influence in Somalia
Source: blog.crisisgroup.org/africa/2013/05/21/jubaland-in-jeopardy-the-uneasy-path-to-state-building-in-somalia/

Neutralizing guerrilla insurgency has been a hard task to accomplish by the best of the world’s armies; as such, the Kenyan Al-Shabaab experience is not a new phenomenon.

Neutralizing the Al-Shabaab menace will essentially entail proffering a permanent solution to the Somali problem. The age-long regional mistrust that bore the Kenya-Ethiopia defence pact of 1964  intrinsically targetting Somalia must be brought to bear to include Somalia in the fray. Regional powers of East Africa should respect Somalia’s distinctive ethno-religious identity, which places Islam at the centre of Somali culture. Thus, any Somali government must include all factions with minimal influence from regional powers. Only then will Somalia’s Al-Shabaab stop being a regional menace.

Regional Developments In The Battle For Syria

In an unfolding tragic tale of twists and turns, the Syrian conflict has transmuted from that of a solidarity show of support for the Arab Spring in 2011 to that of a continuous conflagrative self destruction perpetrated by a cesspool of several armed opposition factions majorly under the umbrella of the Free Syrian Army (FSA), several Jihadi groups notable among which are the Al Nusra Front and the Islamic State (IS); all of which though disunited on the battle front, are fighting a common cause of overthrowing the government of Bashar al-Assad.

Since 2011, when the conflict started, it was insinuated that the Syrian regime will fall, like that of Tunisia and Egypt within a couple of months. As protests against the government simmered, it was met with brute response from the security forces and that gave birth to the armed opposition mostly made up disaffected government soldiers under the umbrella of the Free Syrian Army (FSA). With a resolute government not ready to stand down, the scenario turned from that of protest scenes to a full scale conflict.

As world powers (US, UK, France, China and Russia) bickered on resolutions and counter resolutions to resolve the ensuing conflict, their actions and inaction buoyed by an unstable neighbouring Iraq facing a Jihadi insurgency turned the tide of the conflict to that of an unfolding grotesque. Jihadi fighters under the platform of the Islamic State or ISIS and the Al-Nusra front with a vision of creating an Islamic Caliphate in the entire Middle East launched cross border incursions into Syria. For the Jihadists they had two enemies; the Syrian government and the armed opposition forces. On the long run, the Islamic State (IS) gained much ground and declared a caliphate on conquered territories covering Iraq and Syria.

Haunted by the ripples of past military campaigns in the Middle East notably Iraq, the US and the Western powers though yearning for the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad dithered in active military support for the Syrian Opposition and with the Syrian regime finding active support from Russia, there was no blithe to the aggression of the opposition. As such, the Syrian conflict was left to run its brutal self destructive cause with the hope that the struggle would be resolved on the battle field.

The rise of the Islamic State kitted with sophisticated weaponry captured from the US kitted Iraqi army has changed the face of the conflict. With the capture of large swathes of territory across Iraq and Syria by this group, they seem poised to give a knockout blow to what is left of the regimes in Iraq and Syria and then expanding their conquest beyond. Faced with this threat and brutal executions of hostages by the Islamic state, the US together with a coalition of Western and Arab Countries have begun to take military action, launching airstrikes against IS targets. However, airstrikes alone will not wipe of the capabilities of the Islamic State and whilst the US do have a working relationship with the Iraqi government, the same cannot be said with the Syrian government.

Mapping the Syrian conflict
Source: bbcnews.com

Peace moves has seemed elusive and those arranged in Geneva (Geneva 1 and Geneva 2) between the Syrian opposition and the government ended inconclusively, voiding the wisdom of top diplomats in Koffi Annan and Lakhdar Brahimi.

Lessons learnt from the intrigues of the Arab Spring especially in Libya and the Iraqi story after the US invasion of 2003 has proved that overthrowing strong regimes to the mercies of an uncoordinated opposition doesn’t favour the stability of the State either on the short or long run; therefore, it might be tragic to note that at this stage of the conflict, the US is still trying to identify ‘the moderate armed opposition’ to kit with arms in the fight against the Islamic State.

The Syrian conflict at this stage will be best resolved by the use of force against the Islamic State and other extremist groups and political negotiation between the opposition and government. Seeing that the Syrian Opposition does not have control over the activities of the armed opposition (Free Syrian army) and that the armed Opposition in itself do have a concrete command structure, the sustenance of the regime of Bashar al-Assad becomes expedient for the survival and continuity of the Syrian state.

The Syrian people have suffered untold casualties destruction of their homeland and this has had a spiral effect on neighbouring countries. As such, the conflict should be resolved by pragmatic means at this stage forgiving past misdeeds.

THE WIDER INTERNATIONAL FIGHT AGAINST BOKO HARAM

“The murderous campaign waged by Boko Haram demands stronger and more coordinated action from us all. Regional and international efforts must focus on protecting communities in northern Nigeria and across borders. More than a million internally displaced people and refugees must be able to return home,”  Ban Ki-moon

The last Africa Union Summit at Addis Ababa produced amongst several resolutions a concerted multinational action force against the Boko Haram movement in Nigeria; for the first time in 6yrs since the start of Boko Haram’s murderous insurrection, a tangible offensive was being executed against the rampaging terrorists who have seized swaths of territory in North Eastern Nigeria and declaring an Islamic caliphate.

Mapping the Boko Haram Conflict in North Eastern Nigeria
Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Boko_Haram_in_Lake_Chad_Region.png

Not limiting their invasive menace to Nigerian territory, Boko Haram has launched cross-border attacks at Northern Cameroun, burning settlements and kidnapping people. Of the several marauding and menacing activities of Boko Haram in Nigeria, the one that first grabbed international attention was the kidnap of over 270 school girls at a secondary school in Chibok on the 14th of April 2014. For the first time, a protest was launched by Nigerians online and on the streets, challenging the Nigerian government to #BringBackOurGirls. Originating from the streets of Abuja, it gained international acclaim with solidarity protests in major cities worldwide. Even young Nobel laureate Malala Yousafzai had to visit the Nigerian president to express international concern for the cause.

Obiageli Ezekwensili leading the initiation of the Bring Back Our Girls Campaign at Abuja
Source: http://sunnewsonline.com/new/?p=83030

After several embarrassing defeats suffered by the Nigerian Army in the fight against the terrorists, which emboldened cross-border attacks against Cameroun by Boko Haram, there was international concern that Boko Haram was toeing the path of the Islamic State (IS) in inflicting a regional terrorist menace thus threatening the stability of Nigeria, Cameroun, Niger, Chad and the wider West and Central Africa Sub-region. With a resurging activity of Alshabab in East Africa and Libya being made ungovernable by several Islamist Militant groups, Africa could not afford another new militant front in West Africa.

Nigeria, being Africa’s most populous Nation and wielding socio-economic powers within West Africa and Africa, could not be allowed to crumble under the binge of Extremist Islamist Militancy.  Aside from the fear of losing an economic powerhouse with its enormous human and natural resources to instability, Nigeria’s neighbours are heavily dependent on her for their socio-economic survival and will crumble under the sheer weight of the influx of refugees from an unstable Nigeria.

Though there have been attempts to the formation of a Multinational Joint Task Force to curb the cross-border menace of Boko Haram, contributing countries (Nigeria, Chad, Niger and Cameroun) initially had not been sincere in maintaining the creed, and that, in part, resulted in the capture of the Multi-National Joint Task Force Base at Baga in January 2015 by Boko Haram.

Armed with loots of weaponry from Baga and other captured Nigerian Army Bases, Boko Haram was poised to carry out their menacing threat to undermine the Nigerian government and, indeed, that of its neighbours. Faced with this threat and the associated problem of stifled economic activities cum refugee influx, Nigeria’s neighbours had no choice but to take the fight to Boko Haram in Nigeria instead of waiting at the borders to repel them.

Following the recommendations of the Africa Union Peace and Security Council, the Africa Union at the last Summit passed a resolution calling for the formation of a Multi-National Joint Taskforce to crush Boko Haram. A force of 7500 soldiers comprising 3,250 Nigerian soldiers, 3,000 Chadian Soldiers, 950 soldiers from Cameroon, 750 from Niger and the remaining 750 from Benin. These figures include not only infantry troops and artillery but also gendarmes and police squads, as well as engineering, logistical and civilian units.

“Nigeria must get involved and honour its promise of providing between 2,500 and 3,000 to the multinational force,” Colonel Didier Badjeck Cameroon’s defence spokesman. 

After several years of mistrust and territorial disputes between Nigeria and her neighbours, for the first time, the once dis-consonant neighbours have agreed to work together to quench a marauding threat to peace and economic development within their common borders, thus providing an African Solution to an African problem.

Though Chad has taken it upon itself to spearhead hostilities against Boko Haram across the borders and spearheading the international force action against Boko Haram within Nigerian territory, the onus and impetus in the counter-insurgency against Boko Haram still lies on Nigeria’s security forces, who themselves are doing their fighting bit to exterminate once and for all the budding threat of Islamic militancy within its borders. Ensuring the Boko Haram menace is nullified once and for all. Never again!

Is Nigeria Tearing Itself Apart?

After years of Military rule, Nigeria clawed back her path to democratic governance in 1999 and for the first time in her history, there have been three successive democratic transitions without Military intervention. Though marred by electoral irregularities, political assassination and post election violence, the Nigerian democratic model is seen as that which is growing from the nascent stage of teething pains to the part of maturity.

Political map of Nigeria

Source: http://newsrescue.com/100-years-100-interesting-facts-nigeria/#axzz3RZNTHPSy

Based on the American Presidential system of government, the Nigerian government is tailored to the Federal System of government with a two term limit of four years each for the executive arm, and an unlimited four year term for the legislative arm. With a skewed Federal system concentrating central power on the executive, the elections for executive posts (Presidential and gubernatorial) are seen as a ‘do or die’ affair. The matter is not helped with the juicy pecuniary emolument attached to political posts coupled with the power to issue contracts which is usually a drain pipe to loot public funds; politics is seen as a worthy full time career/business venture.

Another divisive factor used as a political tool is religion and ethnicity. To the North of the Niger/Benue Rivers, the population is predominantly Muslim and unified by the Hausa language; though still ethnically diverse, the influence of the defunct Sokoto Caliphate which ruled the area during pre-colonial times is still felt and that accounts for the unifying language and religion. Nevertheless, there are pockets of highland areas untouched by the Jihad thus having different ethno-religious mix up. Such areas like Jos, Southern Kaduna being religious/cultural islands (mostly Christianity) differing from their predominantly Muslim Hausa/Fulani neighbours.

South of the Niger-Benue trough to the West, the population is predominantly Yoruba and their religious leaning is a near equal balance of Christianity and Islam albeit mixed with a deep affinity for cultural and indigenous belief/bond. To the East of the Niger River, the population is predominantly of the Igbo ethnic stock and the Niger Delta is awash with an agglomeration of several ethnic leanings, though the Ijaw ethnic group is dominant. Christianity is the dominant religion in this part of the country.

Nigeria’s ethnic diversity

Source: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-31101351

Such is the diverse polarity of Nigeria’s ethno-religious mix, making the ethnic/religious leaning of any political aspirant a first point of question. As such, major political parties in Nigeria are cognizant of this so if for example a political aspirant is Christian, his/her running mate must be Muslim. If He/she is from the South, the running mate must be from the North. This principle is referred to as zoning and though it is the constitutional agreement of the ruling PDP (People’s Democratic Party), such norm is widely accepted in the national political consciousness as politically correct.

This has enhanced the deep mistrust along tribal and religious lines especially betwixt the North and South. The North is seen to be politically dominant having produced 8 of Nigeria’s 12 rulers since independence who have spent a combined 30yrs of 54yrs of independence in power.

Agglomerated by British colonial rule, the fault lines in Nigeria’s political make up was evident during the pogrom of the Igbo’s in the North after the first coup d’etat in 1966 which led to a 30month civil war. Ever since, there has been no stop to bloodletting in pockets of sporadic ethnoreligious violence in Northern cities of Kano, Kaduna, Bauchi etc each time targeting Christians and Southerners (either Christian or Muslim). It is however sad to note that after such riots, no master minder/perpetrator is brought to book. This has fuelled suspicion and mistrust conjuring insinuations that the government (at those times controlled by Northerners) where behind the violence.

With the advent of democracy in 1999, power shifted to the south as Ex-Military ruler, Gen. Obasanjo won the presidential elections. His advent to power was seen as power balance after 20 contiguous years of Military rule albeit by Northerners. He went on to rule for two terms and made attempts to push for a third term which was thwarted. The North/South ethno religious mistrust continued to fester during his rule as some governors of Northern states sued for sharia law in their domain. With the Presidency powerless to stop the trend, the entrenched mistrust cascaded into riots in Northern Christian enclaves of Jos and its environs.

Aside, ethno-religious violence, Nigeria’s peace has been taunted by the rise of militancy. This is a resultant of politicians arming thugs to intimidate their opponents and then abandoning or refusing to mop up arms given to these thugs after elections. These actions fuelled the ferocity and menace of the Niger Delta militants in the Niger Delta and Boko Haram in the North East.

The Niger Delta after a long agitation for resource control has produced the Country’s current president in Dr. Goodluck Jonathan and, this has helped to quell the activities of the Militants. However, with elections around the corner and the president intending to run for a second term, there have been associated excerbated fears in the National polity viz:

1.     A prominent Niger Delta militant leader, Asari Dokubo have issued a threat that the President either wins the election or not return home as the President must exhaust all available term limit.

2.     There are fears that elections may not hold in some parts of the North East where Boko Haram’s activities are ferocious thus granting illegitimacy to any planned elections.

3.     Security fears have made elections to be postponed from February 14th to March 28 with the intention that the army would have recaptured territories occupied by Boko Haram.

4.     There are innate fears that the elections might not even hold at all with the premise that: If the army could not contain Boko Haram in the last 6 years, how would they in 6 weeks? This might cause a constitutional crisis if the transition programme is thwarted.

5.     The outburst of Militants and opposition leaders threatening war or forming a parallel government casts a shadow of impending violence on the Nation.

Ultimately, the fear is this: If President Jonathan looses at the polls, the Niger Delta militants might begin violence which entails bursting oil pipelines, kidnapping of oil workers all of which will shut down oil production which is the main stay of the economy.

A win for President Jonathan might ignite post election violence in the North and with a delicate security balance unlike 2011;  the security forces might have their hands full in that regard.

Every Nigerian knows what the permutations are and in the end the resilient spirit will wear on, but some lives will be lost and life will go on till another political transition period when the same cycle will be repeated.

THE NIGERIAN ECONOMY: NOT YET UHURU

When the Nigerian Government announced the rebasing of her Economy in April 2014, making it  Africa’s largest, the news was greeted with  low ecstasy in the World’s most populous black Nation—Nigeria.

 Located on the West Coast of Africa, Nigeria sits atop a greater chunk of oil reserves from the Bight of Guinea making her the World’s sixth major oil exporter.

From pre-colonial and colonial times, the Nigerian economy thrived on agriculture with exception of the period of the obnoxious trans- Atlantic and trans Saharan Slave trade. As such, there is usually reference with nostalgic regrets of the glorious past when groundnut pyramids adorned the skyline in Kano, and Nigeria was ranked top exporter of oil palm, Cocoa and Rubber. On these agricultural produce from Nigeria’s constituent regions, the Nigerian economy thrived at Independence and this stirred the Country’s first National Developmental plan of 1962-1968.

The Nostalgic Groundnut Pyramids of Kano in the 1970's
Source:http://www.abiyamo.com/photo-kano-groundnut-pyramids-1975/

Aside agricultural produce, Nigeria had a burgeoning solid mineral sector. There was Tin and Columbite exploration in Jos whilst Enugu was famed for her Coal mines; even as the country looked forward to developing exploration of vast Bitumen reserves at Ondo State and Iron Ore reserves at Ovie Aladja in Delta State and Ajaokuta in Kogi State. Considering Nigeria’s vast Human resources in addition to the agricultural and mineral production, Nigeria was set for reckoning in Africa and alluded as champion of the Black race worldwide.

Fresh from Civil war in the 1970’s, the exploration of Crude Oil in commercial quantities helped stir the 2^nd National Development plan and the 3Rs (Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction) of the General Yakubu Gowon administration.

PortHarcourt Refinery Company Alesa Eleme
Source:http://www.post-nigeria.com/nnpcs-port-harcourt-refinery-company-nets-n11-2bn-profit/

Boosted by abundant petro-dollars, the Nigerian economy flourished; the Naira was founded, decimalized and indeed it was stronger than the dollar as exchanged for 65kobo whilst the British Pound was worth 2Naira. Foreigners sought to immigrate into Nigeria and it was said that the problem of Nigeria was not money but how to spend it.

The advent of oil export into Nigeria’s accruing finances in its abundance resulted in the neglect of other sectors of the economy It was not too long before the country had a rude awakening to this slack. The drastic crash of oil prices in the international market in 1982 forced the government to finance deficit budgets. Though the country’s government was awash with burgeoning corruption, the resultant financial crunch turned the begging bowl into the government hands as it sought international financial assistance to finance budgetary expenditure and developmental projects.

Then for the first time in the Country’s history, economic woes led to political turmoil. This ushered in two Coup d’états in the space of two year between 1983 and 1985 led by major General Muhammadu Buhari and Ibrahim Babangida. Upon the advent of the Babangida administration in 1985, in accordance with regulations from international credit organizations (IMF and World Bank), the once enviable strong Naira was devalued amongst several stringent austere economic measures under the frame work of the ‘Structural Adjustment Programme’.

Under the guise of falling oil prices in the international market, the Nigerian government began to lag in the implementation of its National Developmental plans and with infrastructural decadence setting in with a growing population, the economy cringed as power and manufacturing infrastructure defoliated under belying malignant corruption.

The advent of democratic governance in 1999 offered the Country exigent hope especially after years of democratic nostalgia since the famously ‘annulled June 12 1993 elections’.

Buoying on the hope of economic renaissance was the sudden sharp increase in oil prices on the international market. From a meagre under 20 dollars per barrel, oil prices soared to record levels in 2003. From 50 dollars per barrel in 2003, it upshot to over 140 dollars per barrel before the close of the decade. With a production of over 2million barrels per day, the Nigerian government had more money more than past regimes combined. There was talk of resuscitation of the power and rail sector, which will in turn boost foreign investment and the moribund manufacturing capacity of the country.

Additional hope of socio- economic resurrection was offered when in 2005, the Paris club of creditors wrote off a chunk of Nigeria’s foreign debt, offering the Country the finance instead, to pour into developmental project under the auspices of the ‘Millennium Development Goals’ with the caption of the Conditional Grant Scheme. Nigeria never had it this good there was much money available and it was left to the leadership to stir the direction.

“Let's hope that no government will ever again commit the future generation to such heavy burden of debt”..... Gen.Yakubu Gowon

The sudden drop of crude oil prices in the last quarter of 2014 had a tsunamic effect on the Nigerian economy. Consumer and import driven, the penchant for foreign exchange dollars forced a trade imbalance and the Naira went into free fall from N160 to over N180 to $1. Facing an impending budgetary deficit, the government was forced to reduce the bench mark for expected revenue income from petroleum from $75/barrel to $65/barrel.

Oil prices has however began to continue its recession has it is threatening go below $40/barrel. The condition is not being helped as OPEC led by Saudi Arabia has refused to cut down production hoping to force competitive shale oil producers in the US and Europe out of market with declining oil prices which in turn will create a market shortfall then soaring oil prices again.

OPEC headquartes at Vienna, Austria
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/media/115511/OPEC-headquarters-in-Vienna

As such, Nigeria’s external reserves has depleted its peak of $62 billion in September 2008 to just over $36 billion in November 2014. Whilst monies accruing to the Excess Crude account have been used for ‘subsidy’ payments.

As the oil politricking rages on the international scene, Nigeria is blighted with a devastating Boko Haram insurgency which has required over 25% budgetary allocation for the defence sector in the last 3years. With attendant infrastructural destruction and Human displacement, the Nation is running a near ‘war economy’.

It is bemusing to note that despite excess petrodollars accruing to the Nigerian government since the turn of the century, the economic fortunes of the Country as developing economy needing massive infrastructural development, portending into the future does not look bright.

·        As an import dependent consumer driven economy, there’s a continuous chase for foreign exchange which causes a balance of trade deficit causing a slump in the value of the local currency.

·        With an apparent budget deficit and depleting foreign reserves, the government will be forced to turn to international creditors for loans which in turn will bring attendant cogs in debt servicing.

·        The continuous dependence on importation of refined crude due to lack of capacity to meet local demand causing the government to continually ‘subsidize’ petroleum products has ripped tangible benefits of that which accrues as an oil producing nation.

·        The lack or inadequate investment and development of the solid mineral and agricultural sector to attain its glorious past will continue to haunt the revenue drive of the government.

·        The continual dependence by state and local government on Federal allocation/ the in-viability of most states which cannot generate sufficient internal revenue to fund budgetary expenditure will continue to wear down the country's financial strength

·        The high cost of governance especially as it pertains to the remuneration of government officials and their numerous aides will continue to be a financial burden on the Nigerian economy.

Whilst minute strides in economic development by various governments at all levels must be acknowledged, it is very important to note that the Nation is at the verge of another economic crunch which only ‘political will power to the needful’ do  will save.