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Friday, 13 March 2015

THE WIDER INTERNATIONAL FIGHT AGAINST BOKO HARAM



“The murderous campaign waged by Boko Haram demands stronger and more coordinated action from us all. Regional and international efforts must focus on protecting communities in northern Nigeria and across borders. More than a million internally displaced people and refugees must be able to return home,”  Ban Ki-moon



The last Africa Union Summit at Addis Ababa produced amongst several resolutions a concerted multinational action force against the Boko Haram movement in Nigeria; for the first time in 6yrs since the start of Boko Haram’s murderous insurrection, a tangible offensive was being executed against the rampaging terrorists who have seized swaths of territory in North Eastern Nigeria and declaring an Islamic caliphate.

Mapping the Boko Haram Conflict in North Eastern Nigeria
Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Boko_Haram_in_Lake_Chad_Region.png


Not limiting their invasive menace to Nigerian territory, Boko Haram has launched cross-border attacks at Northern Cameroun, burning settlements and kidnapping people. Of the several marauding and menacing activities of Boko Haram in Nigeria, the one that first grabbed international attention was the kidnap of over 270 school girls at a secondary school in Chibok on the 14th of April 2014. For the first time, a protest was launched by Nigerians online and on the streets, challenging the Nigerian government to #BringBackOurGirls. Originating from the streets of Abuja, it gained international acclaim with solidarity protests in major cities worldwide. Even young Nobel laureate Malala Yousafzai had to visit the Nigerian president to express international concern for the cause.
Obiageli Ezekwensili leading the initiation of the Bring Back Our Girls Campaign at Abuja
Source: http://sunnewsonline.com/new/?p=83030

After several embarrassing defeats suffered by the Nigerian Army in the fight against the terrorists, which emboldened cross-border attacks against Cameroun by Boko Haram, there was international concern that Boko Haram was toeing the path of the Islamic State (IS) in inflicting a regional terrorist menace thus threatening the stability of Nigeria, Cameroun, Niger, Chad and the wider West and Central Africa Sub-region. With a resurging activity of Alshabab in East Africa and Libya being made ungovernable by several Islamist Militant groups, Africa could not afford another new militant front in West Africa.
Nigeria, being Africa’s most populous Nation and wielding socio-economic powers within West Africa and Africa, could not be allowed to crumble under the binge of Extremist Islamist Militancy.  Aside from the fear of losing an economic powerhouse with its enormous human and natural resources to instability, Nigeria’s neighbours are heavily dependent on her for their socio-economic survival and will crumble under the sheer weight of the influx of refugees from an unstable Nigeria.
Though there have been attempts to the formation of a Multinational Joint Task Force to curb the cross-border menace of Boko Haram, contributing countries (Nigeria, Chad, Niger and Cameroun) initially had not been sincere in maintaining the creed, and that, in part, resulted in the capture of the Multi-National Joint Task Force Base at Baga in January 2015 by Boko Haram.
Armed with loots of weaponry from Baga and other captured Nigerian Army Bases, Boko Haram was poised to carry out their menacing threat to undermine the Nigerian government and, indeed, that of its neighbours. Faced with this threat and the associated problem of stifled economic activities cum refugee influx, Nigeria’s neighbours had no choice but to take the fight to Boko Haram in Nigeria instead of waiting at the borders to repel them.
Following the recommendations of the Africa Union Peace and Security Council, the Africa Union at the last Summit passed a resolution calling for the formation of a Multi-National Joint Taskforce to crush Boko Haram. A force of 7500 soldiers comprising 3,250 Nigerian soldiers, 3,000 Chadian Soldiers, 950 soldiers from Cameroon, 750 from Niger and the remaining 750 from Benin. These figures include not only infantry troops and artillery but also gendarmes and police squads, as well as engineering, logistical and civilian units.
“Nigeria must get involved and honour its promise of providing between 2,500 and 3,000 to the multinational force,” Colonel Didier Badjeck Cameroon’s defence spokesman. 
After several years of mistrust and territorial disputes between Nigeria and her neighbours, for the first time, the once dis-consonant neighbours have agreed to work together to quench a marauding threat to peace and economic development within their common borders, thus providing an African Solution to an African problem.

Though Chad has taken it upon itself to spearhead hostilities against Boko Haram across the borders and spearheading the international force action against Boko Haram within Nigerian territory, the onus and impetus in the counter-insurgency against Boko Haram still lies on Nigeria’s security forces, who themselves are doing their fighting bit to exterminate once and for all the budding threat of Islamic militancy within its borders. Ensuring the Boko Haram menace is nullified once and for all. Never again!

Tuesday, 3 March 2015

Is Nigeria Tearing Itself Apart?



After years of Military rule, Nigeria clawed back her path to democratic governance in 1999 and for the first time in her history, there have been three successive democratic transitions without Military intervention. Though marred by electoral irregularities, political assassination and post election violence, the Nigerian democratic model is seen as that which is growing from the nascent stage of teething pains to the part of maturity.



Political map of Nigeria

Based on the American Presidential system of government, the Nigerian government is tailored to the Federal System of government with a two term limit of four years each for the executive arm, and an unlimited four year term for the legislative arm. With a skewed Federal system concentrating central power on the executive, the elections for executive posts (Presidential and gubernatorial) are seen as a ‘do or die’ affair. The matter is not helped with the juicy pecuniary emolument attached to political posts coupled with the power to issue contracts which is usually a drain pipe to loot public funds; politics is seen as a worthy full time career/business venture.
Another divisive factor used as a political tool is religion and ethnicity. To the North of the Niger/Benue Rivers, the population is predominantly Muslim and unified by the Hausa language; though still ethnically diverse, the influence of the defunct Sokoto Caliphate which ruled the area during pre-colonial times is still felt and that accounts for the unifying language and religion. Nevertheless, there are pockets of highland areas untouched by the Jihad thus having different ethno-religious mix up. Such areas like Jos, Southern Kaduna being religious/cultural islands (mostly Christianity) differing from their predominantly Muslim Hausa/Fulani neighbours.
South of the Niger-Benue trough to the West, the population is predominantly Yoruba and their religious leaning is a near equal balance of Christianity and Islam albeit mixed with a deep affinity for cultural and indigenous belief/bond. To the East of the Niger River, the population is predominantly of the Igbo ethnic stock and the Niger Delta is awash with an agglomeration of several ethnic leanings, though the Ijaw ethnic group is dominant. Christianity is the dominant religion in this part of the country.



Nigeria’s ethnic diversity

Such is the diverse polarity of Nigeria’s ethno-religious mix, making the ethnic/religious leaning of any political aspirant a first point of question. As such, major political parties in Nigeria are cognizant of this so if for example a political aspirant is Christian, his/her running mate must be Muslim. If He/she is from the South, the running mate must be from the North. This principle is referred to as zoning and though it is the constitutional agreement of the ruling PDP (People’s Democratic Party), such norm is widely accepted in the national political consciousness as politically correct.
This has enhanced the deep mistrust along tribal and religious lines especially betwixt the North and South. The North is seen to be politically dominant having produced 8 of Nigeria’s 12 rulers since independence who have spent a combined 30yrs of 54yrs of independence in power.
Agglomerated by British colonial rule, the fault lines in Nigeria’s political make up was evident during the pogrom of the Igbo’s in the North after the first coup d’etat in 1966 which led to a 30month civil war. Ever since, there has been no stop to bloodletting in pockets of sporadic ethnoreligious violence in Northern cities of Kano, Kaduna, Bauchi etc each time targeting Christians and Southerners (either Christian or Muslim). It is however sad to note that after such riots, no master minder/perpetrator is brought to book. This has fuelled suspicion and mistrust conjuring insinuations that the government (at those times controlled by Northerners) where behind the violence.
With the advent of democracy in 1999, power shifted to the south as Ex-Military ruler, Gen. Obasanjo won the presidential elections. His advent to power was seen as power balance after 20 contiguous years of Military rule albeit by Northerners. He went on to rule for two terms and made attempts to push for a third term which was thwarted. The North/South ethno religious mistrust continued to fester during his rule as some governors of Northern states sued for sharia law in their domain. With the Presidency powerless to stop the trend, the entrenched mistrust cascaded into riots in Northern Christian enclaves of Jos and its environs.
Aside, ethno-religious violence, Nigeria’s peace has been taunted by the rise of militancy. This is a resultant of politicians arming thugs to intimidate their opponents and then abandoning or refusing to mop up arms given to these thugs after elections. These actions fuelled the ferocity and menace of the Niger Delta militants in the Niger Delta and Boko Haram in the North East.
The Niger Delta after a long agitation for resource control has produced the Country’s current president in Dr. Goodluck Jonathan and, this has helped to quell the activities of the Militants. However, with elections around the corner and the president intending to run for a second term, there have been associated excerbated fears in the National polity viz:
1.     A prominent Niger Delta militant leader, Asari Dokubo have issued a threat that the President either wins the election or not return home as the President must exhaust all available term limit.
2.     There are fears that elections may not hold in some parts of the North East where Boko Haram’s activities are ferocious thus granting illegitimacy to any planned elections.
3.     Security fears have made elections to be postponed from February 14th to March 28 with the intention that the army would have recaptured territories occupied by Boko Haram.
4.     There are innate fears that the elections might not even hold at all with the premise that: If the army could not contain Boko Haram in the last 6 years, how would they in 6 weeks? This might cause a constitutional crisis if the transition programme is thwarted.
5.     The outburst of Militants and opposition leaders threatening war or forming a parallel government casts a shadow of impending violence on the Nation.
Ultimately, the fear is this: If President Jonathan looses at the polls, the Niger Delta militants might begin violence which entails bursting oil pipelines, kidnapping of oil workers all of which will shut down oil production which is the main stay of the economy.
A win for President Jonathan might ignite post election violence in the North and with a delicate security balance unlike 2011;  the security forces might have their hands full in that regard.

Every Nigerian knows what the permutations are and in the end the resilient spirit will wear on, but some lives will be lost and life will go on till another political transition period when the same cycle will be repeated.

Tuesday, 27 January 2015

THE NIGERIAN ECONOMY: NOT YET UHURU


When the Nigerian Government announced the rebasing of her Economy in April 2014, making it  Africa’s largest, the news was greeted with  low ecstasy in the World’s most populous black Nation—Nigeria.
 Located on the West Coast of Africa, Nigeria sits atop a greater chunk of oil reserves from the Bight of Guinea making her the World’s sixth major oil exporter.
From pre-colonial and colonial times, the Nigerian economy thrived on agriculture with exception of the period of the obnoxious trans- Atlantic and trans Saharan Slave trade. As such, there is usually reference with nostalgic regrets of the glorious past when groundnut pyramids adorned the skyline in Kano, and Nigeria was ranked top exporter of oil palm, Cocoa and Rubber. On these agricultural produce from Nigeria’s constituent regions, the Nigerian economy thrived at Independence and this stirred the Country’s first National Developmental plan of 1962-1968.


The Nostalgic Groundnut Pyramids of Kano in the 1970's
Source:http://www.abiyamo.com/photo-kano-groundnut-pyramids-1975/

Aside agricultural produce, Nigeria had a burgeoning solid mineral sector. There was Tin and Columbite exploration in Jos whilst Enugu was famed for her Coal mines; even as the country looked forward to developing exploration of vast Bitumen reserves at Ondo State and Iron Ore reserves at Ovie Aladja in Delta State and Ajaokuta in Kogi State. Considering Nigeria’s vast Human resources in addition to the agricultural and mineral production, Nigeria was set for reckoning in Africa and alluded as champion of the Black race worldwide.
Fresh from Civil war in the 1970’s, the exploration of Crude Oil in commercial quantities helped stir the 2nd National Development plan and the 3Rs (Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction) of the General Yakubu Gowon administration.

PortHarcourt Refinery Company Alesa Eleme
Source:http://www.post-nigeria.com/nnpcs-port-harcourt-refinery-company-nets-n11-2bn-profit/

Boosted by abundant petro-dollars, the Nigerian economy flourished; the Naira was founded, decimalized and indeed it was stronger than the dollar as exchanged for 65kobo whilst the British Pound was worth 2Naira. Foreigners sought to immigrate into Nigeria and it was said that the problem of Nigeria was not money but how to spend it.
The advent of oil export into Nigeria’s accruing finances in its abundance resulted in the neglect of other sectors of the economy It was not too long before the country had a rude awakening to this slack. The drastic crash of oil prices in the international market in 1982 forced the government to finance deficit budgets. Though the country’s government was awash with burgeoning corruption, the resultant financial crunch turned the begging bowl into the government hands as it sought international financial assistance to finance budgetary expenditure and developmental projects.
Then for the first time in the Country’s history, economic woes led to political turmoil. This ushered in two Coup d’états in the space of two year between 1983 and 1985 led by major General Muhammadu Buhari and Ibrahim Babangida. Upon the advent of the Babangida administration in 1985, in accordance with regulations from international credit organizations (IMF and World Bank), the once enviable strong Naira was devalued amongst several stringent austere economic measures under the frame work of the ‘Structural Adjustment Programme’.
Under the guise of falling oil prices in the international market, the Nigerian government began to lag in the implementation of its National Developmental plans and with infrastructural decadence setting in with a growing population, the economy cringed as power and manufacturing infrastructure defoliated under belying malignant corruption.
The advent of democratic governance in 1999 offered the Country exigent hope especially after years of democratic nostalgia since the famously ‘annulled June 12 1993 elections’.
Buoying on the hope of economic renaissance was the sudden sharp increase in oil prices on the international market. From a meagre under 20 dollars per barrel, oil prices soared to record levels in 2003. From 50 dollars per barrel in 2003, it upshot to over 140 dollars per barrel before the close of the decade. With a production of over 2million barrels per day, the Nigerian government had more money more than past regimes combined. There was talk of resuscitation of the power and rail sector, which will in turn boost foreign investment and the moribund manufacturing capacity of the country.
Additional hope of socio- economic resurrection was offered when in 2005, the Paris club of creditors wrote off a chunk of Nigeria’s foreign debt, offering the Country the finance instead, to pour into developmental project under the auspices of the ‘Millennium Development Goals’ with the caption of the Conditional Grant Scheme. Nigeria never had it this good there was much money available and it was left to the leadership to stir the direction.
“Let's hope that no government will ever again commit the future generation to such heavy burden of debt”..... Gen.Yakubu Gowon
The sudden drop of crude oil prices in the last quarter of 2014 had a tsunamic effect on the Nigerian economy. Consumer and import driven, the penchant for foreign exchange dollars forced a trade imbalance and the Naira went into free fall from N160 to over N180 to $1. Facing an impending budgetary deficit, the government was forced to reduce the bench mark for expected revenue income from petroleum from $75/barrel to $65/barrel.
Oil prices has however began to continue its recession has it is threatening go below $40/barrel. The condition is not being helped as OPEC led by Saudi Arabia has refused to cut down production hoping to force competitive shale oil producers in the US and Europe out of market with declining oil prices which in turn will create a market shortfall then soaring oil prices again.

OPEC headquartes at Vienna, Austria
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/media/115511/OPEC-headquarters-in-Vienna
As such, Nigeria’s external reserves has depleted its peak of $62 billion in September 2008 to just over $36 billion in November 2014. Whilst monies accruing to the Excess Crude account have been used for ‘subsidy’ payments.
As the oil politricking rages on the international scene, Nigeria is blighted with a devastating Boko Haram insurgency which has required over 25% budgetary allocation for the defence sector in the last 3years. With attendant infrastructural destruction and Human displacement, the Nation is running a near ‘war economy’.
It is bemusing to note that despite excess petrodollars accruing to the Nigerian government since the turn of the century, the economic fortunes of the Country as developing economy needing massive infrastructural development, portending into the future does not look bright.
·        As an import dependent consumer driven economy, there’s a continuous chase for foreign exchange which causes a balance of trade deficit causing a slump in the value of the local currency.
·        With an apparent budget deficit and depleting foreign reserves, the government will be forced to turn to international creditors for loans which in turn will bring attendant cogs in debt servicing.
·        The continuous dependence on importation of refined crude due to lack of capacity to meet local demand causing the government to continually ‘subsidize’ petroleum products has ripped tangible benefits of that which accrues as an oil producing nation.
·        The lack or inadequate investment and development of the solid mineral and agricultural sector to attain its glorious past will continue to haunt the revenue drive of the government.
·        The continual dependence by state and local government on Federal allocation/ the in-viability of most states which cannot generate sufficient internal revenue to fund budgetary expenditure will continue to wear down the country's financial strength
·        The high cost of governance especially as it pertains to the remuneration of government officials and their numerous aides will continue to be a financial burden on the Nigerian economy.

Whilst minute strides in economic development by various governments at all levels must be acknowledged, it is very important to note that the Nation is at the verge of another economic crunch which only ‘political will power to the needful’ do  will save.

Tuesday, 11 November 2014

THE BURKINABE REVOLUTION: EXPOSING AN INEFFECTUAL AFRICAN UNION



When thousands of Burkinabes stormed the streets of Ouagadougou in a massive protest which saw the Country’s Parliament building go up in flames and ultimately terminating the twenty seven year Presidency of Blaise Campaore in the fall October 2014, the World and indeed Sub-Saharan Africa was thrown aghast with thoughts of another impending revolution.


Burkinabes protesting in October 2014 against the quest of Blaise Campore to seek an additional term in office
Source: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-29948773

For not too long ago, the Arab Spring which emanated from North Africa reverberated the entire Arab Middle East and ensured the downfall of three of Africa’s longest serving leaders in Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi (42yrs), Tunisia’s Zine Al-Abidine Ben Ali (24yrs) and Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak (30yrs); with the downfall of another of Africa’s longest serving Ruler in Burkina Faso, there were fears that this could trigger an ‘Africa Hamarttan’ across Sub-Saharan Africa.
In an apparent bid to stabilize the Burkinabe situation, the Presidents of Nigeria, Senegal and Ghana under the aegis of ECOWAS and The African Union flew in to Ouagadougou to meet with the Military who had already filled the power vacuum, urging them to form a transitional government and hand over power to a Civilian head within two weeks or face sanctions. In a riposte to this demand, the Burkinabe Military leader Lt Col Isaac Zida blurted that;
"We are not afraid of sanctions; we care much more about stability,"
"We have waited on the African Union in moments when it should have shown its fraternity and its friendship but instead was not there,"
"It's unfortunate but it's not too late."

Burkina Faso's new Military Ruler Lt Col Isaac Zida welcoming Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan to Ouagadougou for an AU/ECOWAS initiated transition talk
Source: http://encomium.ng/president-goodluck-jonathan-arrives-ouagadougou-bukina-faso-to-help-facilitate-the-rapid-resolution-of-the-current-political-crisis-in-bukina-faso-on-wednesday/

The African Union and its constituent regional bodies have always taken an ominous stand when confronted issues of Military Coup d’états in African Countries, and seemly take a sanctimonious stand in threatening and imposing sanctions. However, it must be noted that the Africa Union was powerless during the Arab spring and could not save its founder and self proclaimed King of kings of Africa--- Muammar Gaddafi.
Originally founded from the fusion of regional blocs and Pan-Africanist ideas of founding fathers in Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah, Senegal’s Leopold Senghor, Nigeria’s Nnamdi Azikwe, Kenya’s Jomo Kenyatta, Ethiopia’s Haile Sellasie, and Zambia’s Kenneth Kaunda the Organization of African Unity (OAU) sought to liberate the Africa from colonial rule. After an initial successful manifesto, the OAU lost steam and relevance as the founding fathers where all embroiled in instituting one party states and stifling opposition groups in their domains. Governance in independent Africa was served at mediocre level and not the excuse of leadership naivety could sustain the seeming tyrannical rule of the Pan- African fathers in their respective countries.
One by one, they were all butted out of power by the barrel of the gun amid ensuing economic and social chaos which subjected most African countries to Military dictatorships and internecine civil wars starting from the late 1960’s. In all these, the OAU maintained a figurative ceremonial existence even as its regional power houses had no moral right to set sanctimonious standards-- Ethiopia was under the a Military dictatorship of the Derg and grappling with a civil war, Nigeria was under Military dictatorship and under sanctions from  Euro-American supranational Organizations, and other countries not under military rule were apparently under civilian styled tyrannical one party states; Kenya, Cote d’Ivoire, Zambia, Malawi being perfect examples.
On the advent of the new Millennium in the 21st Century, the OAU rebranded into the African Union (AU) following after the European model of the EU (European Union); among all its quest was that of good governance and this was instituted by the MDGs (Millennium Development Goals) and NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa’s Development). This assured that with the institution of multi party democracy in most Countries in Sub-Saharan  Africa, an improved development partnership with other global supranational organizations will ensue. Buoyed by the tact willingness of South Africa’s Thabo Mbeki, Nigeria’s Olusegun Obasanjo, Senegal’s Abdoulaye Wade, Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak and Algeria’s AbdulAzeez Bouteflika, the AU set sail on these notion and promises.
However, this noble quest was called to question by unrest in Cote d’ Ivoire, Military take overs in Mali and Guniea. Whilst all these were resolved, there has still been an underlying inquest of the dedication to the sanctimonious demands of the AU in constituent Countries as some long serving African rulers seek to consolidate their grip on power as seen in Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe (now serving 34yrs), Angola’s Jose Eduardo Dos Santos (now serving 35yrs), Equatorial Guniea’s Teodoro Obiang Nguema (now serving 35yrs), Cameroun’s Paul Biya (now serving 32yrs), and Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni (now serving 28yrs).
Regardless of the length of years in power, what is most important in leadership is the administration of fairness, equity, justice and good governance with concomitant development. After all, there are nations that do not have presidential/Prime Ministerial term limits like the United kingdom, Canada, Italy, Australia etc, but their citizens do have attendant freedom to decide their leaders.
Aside the question of length of stay in power, African regimes are still bothered with the question of administering development and good governance. This is the major cause for civil agitation Nigeria, Sudan, South Sudan, Eritrea etc and as such, rulers of these nations do not have a sanctimonious say on how other African countries should be governed.
From the experience of the Arab spring in Libya, revolutions do not come cheap and democratic governance might not ensure ‘unabated freedom’ as seen in Egypt aside the Tunisian exception which is a rare occurrence. As another of Africa’s long serving regime falls in Burkina Faso, it is insinuated that a political quake might be in the offing for other long serving regimes in Sub-Saharan Africa.
As usual, the AU, SADC, IGAD and ECOWAS will always come to the fray whenever such political fallouts occur, but as usual, their overtures might just be ignored until individual countries do the needful—administer leadership through justice, equity, fairness with concomitant good governance and development else it will be a proverbial kettle calling pot black.


‘And why beholdest thou the mote that is in thy brother's eye, but considerest not the beam that is in thine own eye? 4 Or how wilt thou say to thy brother, Let me pull out the mote out of thine eye; and, behold, a beam is in thine own eye? 5 Thou hypocrite, first cast out the beam out of thine own eye; and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brother's eye’.
Matt 7:3-5 (KJV)


Thursday, 2 October 2014

THE SCOTTISH REFERENDUM AFTERMATH: A REFLECTION OF AN IMPERFECT BRITISH MODEL

The last is yet to be heard about the resultants of the Scottish Referendum on the question of independence from the United Kingdom. Whilst the United Kingdom survived the scare of a looming threat of an independent Scotland by a vote of 55% to 45%, the ripples generated by the simple act of balloting will continue to reverberate the island of Britain and indeed the wider World in years to come.



Head of the Scottish National Party, Alex Salmond savouring defeat of his separatist bid
Source: bbcnews.com


"If not us - then who?
If not now - then when?
Friends - we are Scotland's independence generation.
And our time is now"…. Alexander Salmond
For the first time since 1st July 1997 when the Union Jack was lowered at its Far Eastern outpost in Hongkong, which was the United Kingdom’s last colonial outpost, the waning power and influence of the once global affluent ‘Great Britain’ was brought to bear as a ‘coup de grace’ was about to be dealt to  homeland Britain.
What started as a union of Anglo-Saxons and Normans in what is now called England, ended up enveloping the Welsh in the 13th Century, and, in series of wars and finally in political agreements, the Gaels, Picts and Celts which make up what is now called Scotland were brought into the ‘Union’ first by the Union of Crowns in 1603 when King James VI of Scotland became King James I of England following the death of heirless Queen Elizabeth I of England. Thus, the seat of the Scottish Monarchy moved from Holyrood in Edinburgh to Buckingham Palace in London and finally in 1707 after a crippling bankrupting feat Scotland attained in trying to colonize the Isthmus of Panama in the Americas, the Scots looked South of their border to the English for economic salvation; and as such, after series of parliamentary debates, the ‘ACT OF UNION’ was born 1st May 1707 when England and Scotland came under one political government—effectively uniting the entire Island of Britain under one political and Monarchical Government

ACT OF UNION, 1707

I. That the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland shall upon the First day of May which will be in the year One thousand seven hundred and seven, and for ever after, be united into one Kingdom by the name of Great Britain; and that the Ensigns Armorial of the said United Kingdom be such as Her Majesty shall appoint, and the Crosses of St. George and St. Andrew be conjoined in such manner as her Majesty shall think fit, and used in all Flags, Banners, Standards and Ensigns both at Sea and Land.

III.  ‘That the United Kingdom of Great Britain be represented by One and the same Parliament, to be stiled, the Parliament of Great Britain.’

With such ‘Unity’ the United Kingdom of Great Britain wittingly sought to build an Empire thus colonizing about 1/4th of the Earth's peoples. At the Zenith of this attainment, the British Empire was in the words of George Macartney referred as
"this vast empire on which the sun never sets, and whose bounds nature has not yet ascertained."

Map of the British Colonial expanse
Source: http://imgarcade.com/1/british-colonies-world-map/



Over three quarters of North America in what is now known as Canada and the United States of America to patches of land in South America, the West Indies (Caribbean Islands), the Indian subcontinent (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Singapore), Australia and patches of Chinese territory; the ‘British were famed as Colonial Masters and Master of the Seas! And not even Africa was left out of the British Colonial zest, for they effectively subjugated the choicest of territorial lands and largest number of peoples under their control in territories now known as Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, Kenya (All economic and regional power houses) not to talk of the Sudans (North and South), Uganda, Ghana, Tanzania, Gambia, Zimbabwe and Zambia.

the wind of change is blowing through this continent; and whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact, we must all accept it as a fact’… Harold Macmillan (British Prime Minister from 1957-1963)

The 20th Century brought a significant ‘wind of change’ to the British Empire. Actively fighting off two World Wars, the homeland British war economy faced near economic crippling terms and coupled with the signing of  ‘Atlantic Charter’ with the United States which guaranteed the right to self determination of subjugated peoples, the British Empire began to defoliate rapidly for the first time since 1776 when the United States sued for Independence off London.
Starting from the British Isles, the Catholic Irish got Ireland off Westminster’s control and then the flood gates of independence opened in British colonies in Asia and Africa culminating with the return of Hongkong to China —Britain’s last colonial outpost in the Far East in 1997.
Coincidentally, 1997 saw the British Labour Party consolidating power in Westminster and that came with the promise of devolution of powers to the constituent Non-English entities making up the United Kingdom. Ultimately, that set the tone for a series of intrigues that set the stage for this Scottish referendum question;

SHOULD SCOTLAND BECOME AN INDEPENDENT COUNTRY?
Source: bbcnews.com


Whilst the ‘No’ votes helped to pass a volte-face to the ‘Yes’ separatist agitation, that simple act of ballot has posed several teasers for the British and indeed other countries of the free world in the following:
1.    In an era of ‘International Unionism’ as seen in the formation of strong Continental Organizations such as the EU, NATO, AU etc; where smaller individual countries seemingly do not have a voice; is there really a need for emergence of new Nations who will in turn have to vie to join these continental bodies who advocate loose economic and border controls?
2.    Though England has roughly 85% of the UK population and significantly projects the UK’s global influence, Scotland holds a significant portion UK’s defence capabilities in military industries and the UK’s Nuclear Weapon deterrents. What would have become of the Uk’s military capability in the wake of a Scottish independence?
3.    The Uk prides itself as a model of Parliamentary democracy and have exported this to several nation including India (the World’s largest democracy), Australia amongst others. The Scottish agitation has once again raised the once forgotten ‘West Lothian Question’. If Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales (all making up 15% of the UK population) have separate parliaments and administrations independent of West Minster and yet have representatives there to vote on issues relating to England only, what about having a separate English parliament? Is the prided British governance model in any way effective? Isn’t it time for the UK to adopt the USA model of a ‘Federal system of Government’?
4.    With the ease at reaching a decision for the Scottish referendum, what will become of other separatist agitations in Spain (Catalonia), France (Basque, Corsica, Catalonia), Moldova (Transnistra), Turkey (Kurdistan) etc, and even other colonial aggregated Countries in Africa where separatist agitations are rife?

Source: bbcnews.com


Four over 400 years, the British have prided themselves in setting the pace in terms of industrial and political revolution and have given the world their language--- English Language. With the latest Scottish referendum and issues bordering on it, the British have once again aroused separatist agitation levels around the world. The British model is not perfect after all. Is it?